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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010
  • Middle East Analysis

    Upcoming Events

    The Road Forward on Middle East Peace

    Event: October 1, 2009 - 12:00pm-1:00pm

    Introduction:
    Winnie Stachelberg, Senior Vice President for External Affairs, Center for American Progress

    Featured speaker:
    Congressman Robert Wexler (D-FL)

    Moderated by:
    Moran Banai, U.S. Editor of Middle East Bulletin

    WATCH HERE

    What Would Have Happened If…

    Yigal Sarna, Yedioth Aharonoth, Translated by Middle East Bulletin

    Imagine a world in which the rally marking the twelfth anniversary of Rabin’s assassination does not take place. A world without Yigal Amir and his handgun and his infant son awaiting circumcision. A world in which Yitzhak Rabin got down off the stage in November 1995 and rode from there in his armored car with his loyal bodyguards and arrived at his home, and afterwards perhaps defeated Bibi and was elected as prime minister again, stubborn in his redheaded way and continuing the Oslo Accords.

    Would that have been a completely different world from the one that surrounded last night’s rally for Yitzhak Rabin? Would it have been quieter? Would the many whom were killed in the Intifada afterwards still be with us? History is full of such "ifs." But that thought did not leave me during this annual ceremony that repeats itself to exhaustion, that every year shows the last speech once again, Eitan Haber’s agonized cry, the shock. There is something deadly about ceremonies. They wipe away the event that they are supposed to memorialize and take place in its stead, often as parody.

    Is a ceremony necessary? After all, for some Israelis, all Israeli existence since 1995 is a kind of ongoing mourning rally in memory of the last prime minister who could be defined as a responsible man, a real person in charge, who sought to create a new Israeli agenda in which education, for example, moved to center stage.

    But the soul needs ceremonies. So they put up fourteen chemical toilets. Two large balloons – one a security zeppelin in the sky, hundreds of police officers and guards, and brought thousands of youth group members to the square that has seen everything. Also there were several members of my generation who hoped in 1995, before the assassination, that their children would not stand at roadblocks and would not go into Gaza and would not examine Arabs’ underwear and bags. And that finally, there would be peace.

    Penelope Cruz, sprawled out on a wall on Ibn Gvirol Street in an advertisement for "Mango," peeked over at the corner where Rabin was assassinated and it seemed that the deceased was also looking in her direction as his face was being screened on the giant plasma screen. The first to speak was the man who had also gone down the municipality’s stairs of death but was not shot, and is now the president. He mentioned the order of priorities and the old hope. Afterwards, I heard the delusional speech of the man who sees himself as Rabin’s successor in his dreams. Barak’s speech was comprised of fragments, shreds and crumbs of another hundred different speeches. "We will act with determination against all the threats," while at the same time, "We will do everything possible in order to reach the peace you dreamed of," said the man who, during his term, put an end to the agreements over which Rabin was assassinated.

    When I wanted to go back to my home, which is near the site of the assassination-as I went in 1995 and from my home heard the helicopters and the caption about the gunshots that changed history began to run-the murdered man’s son rose to speak and destroyed the tranquility and routine of the ceremony. Standing and speaking for the first time in his life in the place where his father had stood before his death, Yuval Rabin reminded us of what had been forgotten for years for the sake of domestic peace and reconciliation-the despicable inciters of the murder who instigated Amir against Rabin, the complacency and helplessness that led to the failure and that still continue. And the circumcision that is about to be celebrated with the court’s approval. He spoke as the orphaned son of the murdered man who came to claim vengeance in the place where everyone celebrates a reconciliation ceremony upon his
    father’s spilled blood.

    Those were the words that gave the ceremony its reason for existing. The words of the unforgiving son.