July 2, 2009

Iraqi security forces in Tikrit on July 1 (AP)

On June 30, U.S. troops officially withdrew from cities in Iraq, leaving security arrangements in the hands of the Iraqi army and police. While not a full withdrawal—there will still be 130,000 U.S. troops in Iraq and trainers and advisers will stay embedded with Iraqi units—this new phase in U.S.-Iraqi relations has spawned a lively international discussion regarding U.S. policy in the region and the future of Iraq. Below are several recent articles you may have missed that sample the conversation about the pullout.

Iraqis in Control of Their Own Destiny
The National, Editorial

More than a week of bombings by insurgents appeared to do little to deter Iraqis from celebrating the United States’s withdrawal yesterday from the country’s urban areas. Thousands attended a concert at the Baghdad zoo and saw firework displays. What is significant is that while many ordinary Iraqis took to the streets in celebration, they were protected by the nation’s own domestic security forces: it is on them, not the Americans, that the burden of civil protection now falls.

While Iraq must now take the lead role in ensuring its own security and stability, the US is not leaving the country entirely to fend for itself. Access the full article>>

Is it Getting Worse Again?
The Economist

American troops have already withdrawn from nearly all the towns—and have rarely been seen in them of late. Many joint American-Iraqi security posts have been dismantled. There will be no more routine American patrols, rare though they have already become. The Americans will, however, remain in bases nearby, on call in case Iraqi forces hit trouble. And in some places, especially in Mosul, where efforts to suppress the insurgency have been intensifying, the definition of city limits is being elastically interpreted, to let the main American base stay where it is, on the city’s edge.

But the Iraqis are slowly realising that Mr Obama really does intend to remove the bulk of his troops before 2011. So they may at last be starting to focus on passing long-delayed bits of important nation-building legislation, such as an oil-and-gas law, constitutional amendments, and even a law governing elections. Without a modicum of cohesion at the heart of government, how can Iraq’s security forces stick together in the face of sectarian or ethnic tension? Iraqis know that establishing a more cohesive and broader-based government is at least as important as beefing up the Iraqi security forces. Access the full article>>

A Chance for Turkish-Kurdish Peace
Henri Barkey, nonresident senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and professor of international relations at Lehigh University (Wall Street Journal)

The Turks have become embroiled in Iraq by launching counter-attacks against the PKK. Ankara initially even resisted the creation of the Iraqi Kurdish Regional Government (KRG), which they saw as another step toward Kurdish independence and irredentist demands on Turkish territory. But after 25 years of fighting, 30,000 mostly Kurdish deaths, and the capture of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan in 1999 with U.S. help, the Turkish government and military establishment realize that they have little to show for the counterinsurgency campaign and see no clear end to the bloodletting. The PKK attracts as many recruits today as it did 20 years ago. . . .

Now there are signs of a possible resolution. For the first time in its 80-plus years of existence, the Turkish state is addressing the fate of its sizable Kurdish minority. . . . Turkish Kurds and the PKK too are signaling that they are ready for a compromise. . . . Washington is in a strong position to help because of its positive relationships with both Turkey and the Kurds. Access the full article>>

Laws Lag in Iraq, as Patience Wears Thin

Timothy Williams and Suadad Al-Salhy (The New York Times)

Popular support for Iraq’s democratic institutions is being undermined steadily by official corruption, yet the country has no comprehensive anticorruption law.

The country’s economy is dependent almost entirely upon oil revenue, but because there is no single law regulating the industry, there is widespread confusion about investment, production and lines of authority.

And parts of northern Iraq continue to be beset by ethnic and sectarian violence that could engulf the rest of the country in a new wave of warfare, but there is little prospect of a political resolution being offered any time soon to settle competing claims in the disputed province of Kirkuk.

There is a growing concern that if the country’s Parliament does not soon approve a series of critical legislative measures, Iraq’s democratic experiment could erode as America pulls back, militarily and politically. Access the full article>>



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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010
  • Middle East Analysis

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    Event: October 1, 2009 - 12:00pm-1:00pm

    Introduction:
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