Iran’s National Security Framework

June 16, 2009

Supreme Leader
• Designated the political and religious leader of the Islamic republic.
• Controls all critical foreign policy decisions.
• Appoints the six religious members of the Council of Guardians.
• Appoints the head of the judiciary, leader of the state-run media and the top military officials.
• Commands the armed forces, decides when to mobilize the military and is the only person who can declare war and peace.
• Possesses final authority over all decisions and recommendations made by the Supreme Council for National Security.

Guardian Council of the Constitution
• A 12-member group, 6 theologians and 6 lay jurists that can veto laws and treaties passed by the legislature.
• Vets candidates for the presidency, legislature and Assembly of Experts.

President
• Holds the second-highest office after the supreme leader.
• Highest-elected official in Iran and holder of the most visible public office.
• Presides over the Supreme Council for National Security, but cannot veto its decisions; signs treaties approved by the legislative body; and accepts the credentials of ambassadors.
• Heads the executive branch and is responsible for appointing cabinet ministers.
• All candidates pre-screened by the Council of Guardians after declaring candidacy.

Supreme National Security Council
• Runs the country’s security policy framework as determined by the supreme leader.
• Composed of the heads of the executive, legislative and judiciary branches, as well as military leaders and other senior officials.

Assembly of Experts
• Directly-elected group of 86 clerics charged with electing and supervising the supreme leader. All have to possess religious authority to issue fatwa.

Majlis
• The 290-seat legislative body approves all treaties and international agreements.

Expediency Discernment Council
• Advises the supreme leader on policy.
• Resolves disputes between the Majlis and the Council of Guardians.

Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
• Established to safeguard the revolution; reports directly to the supreme leader.
• Former members occupy top political positions in the Ahmadinejad government.
• Operates separately from the regular armed forces and maintains parallel branches, including ground, air, naval, intelligence and strategic operations.
• Possesses control of Iran’s strategic rockets and missiles.

The Quds Force
• Responsible for supporting strategic operations outside the country for the IRGC.
• Labeled a terrorist organization by the Bush administration in 2007.
• Accused by the United States of supplying munitions and other military support to Hezbollah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Taliban in Afghanistan and militants in Iraq.

Armed Forces
• Responsible for guarding the independence and territorial integrity of the country.



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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010

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