May 5, 2009

PA President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli President Shimon Peres in 2008 (AP)

"We should also not get confused. There is major correlation between the principal objectives of Israel and the United States: reaching real peace between Israel and the Arab world, stabilizing the Middle East and restraining the extreme forces that thrive on violence, subversion and terrorism."

How do you see Israel moving forward on the Arab-Israeli conflict? What are the main opportunities and challenges to resolving the conflict? How do you asses the Israeli and Palestinian publics’ willingness to support movement forward on the peace process?

The Israeli public has already proved that it is willing to pay a painful price for peace when it is convinced that true peace is at stake and that Israeli security would not be harmed. I believe that this will be the state of things when we reach decision time regarding a peace agreement with the Palestinians. The firing of Qassam rockets from Gaza by Hamas after we fully evacuated the Strip raised difficult questions for many Israelis.

We cannot ignore the fact that the Palestinian side is both ideologically and geographically divided. The challenge in my view is to establish a reliable peace process that strengthens the inclination toward peace on the Palestinian side and plants a sense of security in the hearts of Israelis. There is need to create true hope: a political horizon and meaningful improvement in daily life that will encourage most Palestinians in abandoning the destructive alternative offered by Hamas. After all, Israel needs a Palestinian negotiation partner that can abide by its commitments, especially in the realm of security. At the same time, it is possible to involve the Arab world so that it can prove that it is heading toward recognition and normal peaceful relations with Israel.

Do you support the effort to approach the Arab-Israeli conflict comprehensively? Can Israel move forward with both Syria and the Palestinians simultaneously?

The geopolitical reality in the Middle East is full of risks, but it is not lacking in opportunities. Many in the Arab world now understand that the threat to them does not stem from Israel, but from radical Islam and, first and foremost, from Iran’s subversion and efforts to obtain nuclear weapons. In this context, the advantage of a comprehensive regional approach to solving the Arab-Israeli conflict gains even more merit. This approach is good for everybody, including Israel, since the price we would pay on the bilateral level would be remunerated by the whole Arab world. After all, our basic objective is to live in true and stable peace with the entire Arab world. This approach is also good for the Palestinian peace camp because it will be granted broad Arab legitimacy that would make it easier to move toward a historic compromise and to isolate Hamas and marginalize it. I believe that through wise diplomatic architecture it is indeed possible to promote peace with all of our neighbors without pre-conditions and without conditioning one track on another.

At the Arab League conference in March, the Arab Peace Initiative was reiterated, but some countries wanted to give it an expiration date. King Abdullah of Jordan also focused on the Initiative in his visit to Washington two weeks ago. What role can the Arab Peace Initiative play and will Israel accept it?

Israel was positively impressed by the spirit of the Initiative but, as it was not a party to its wording, it is unrealistic to expect Israel to accept and agree to every word. With that said, we cannot ignore the ideological u-turn the Arab world has made. The change is evident if we compare the language of the Initiative to the Arab world’s decision in Khartoum in 1967 in which the “three nos” were declared: no to peace with Israel, no to negotiations and no to recognition. Today the no has been replaced with a yes. Yes to peace with Israel, yes to normal relations, and yes to security and to good neighborly relations. I believe it is worthwhile to leverage the positive spirit of the Arab Peace Initiative to assist in a regional peace process.

Do you think there is an explicit link between dealing with Iran and resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict?

The concerns of the people of Israel for their security are real. The 61 years of Israel’s existence have been a continuous saga of battling for our existence against violent elements that don’t hide their goal of wiping Israel of the map. The people of Israel are proponents of peace and are willing to pay a heavy price in exchange, as long as the peace would be true peace and that Israel’s security would be maintained. Arab-Israeli peace entails Israel taking security risks. It is clear, therefore, that removing the Iranian threat would alleviate significantly the concern of the Israeli public for its security and would thus help reach regional reconciliation. Iran was a peaceful state in the past and we hope it will be so in the future.

Some have been writing about an inevitable showdown between the Obama administration and the Netanyahu government. How do you assess the relationship?

The friendship between the United States and Israel is very deep and built on a strong common and principled foundation. Whoever tries to explain the unique relations between the two nations through cold calculation of interests is mistaken and misleading. Interests change yet the shared morals and spirit common to both nations is a permanent reality which has deep and unparalleled roots. We should also not get confused. There is major correlation between the principal objectives of Israel and the United States: reaching real peace between Israel and the Arab world, stabilizing the Middle East and restraining the extreme forces that thrive on violence, subversion and terrorism. Against this backdrop, I don’t anticipate a showdown between Washington and Jerusalem, but rather fruitful cooperation. We don’t doubt President Obama’s desire to promote peace in the Middle East and we don’t doubt his deep friendship with Israel.



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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010
  • Middle East Analysis

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    Introduction:
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