March 24, 2009

Police station in E1 (Danielle Zukerman)

"Nothing happened with the outposts … though Israel’s commitment was to evacuate the outposts. This was a commitment to the American administration and to our Supreme Court. But nothing happened."

Can you tell us about the current status of settlements and of movement and access issues?

It is two different issues. Concerning the outposts or the settlements?

Let’s start with settlements.

Nothing’s happened. Instead, as though Israel didn’t have any commitments concerning the settlements, the settlements continue to grow. I’m not sure, but I think they grew more than five percent during the last year. We are talking about a huge amount of settlers. We have at least 270,000 settlers in the West Bank, nowadays, not including East Jerusalem. Nothing happened with the outposts, as well, though Israel’s commitment was to evacuate the outposts. This was a commitment to the American administration and to our Supreme Court. But nothing happened.

The only thing that happened concerning this issue was the evacuation of the house in Hebron a few months ago. Again, it wasn’t a governmental decision. The Supreme Court of Israel decided to tell the minister of Defense that he must do it. And he did it, but it was the only activity against the outposts during the last year, or even more than that.

What do you think the impact of the settlements was on the Annapolis process and vice-versa? Do you think there was an impact of the Annapolis process on settlement building?

Well, you have to understand that the issue of settlements and land in Palestinian culture, in Palestinian society, is a very important one. Settlement building cannot, according to their understanding, it cannot go with the continuing of any kind of peace process. It hurts almost everyone on the Palestinian side. And it’s one of the main challenges affecting any kind of peace agreement in the future.

Let’s go back now to the checkpoints and roadblocks. How do you see that having changed in the past year or two years with Annapolis?

First of all, I would like to say that Israel did remove several main checkpoints and roadblocks during the last several months. I can’t say that there weren’t any activities in order to reduce the level, the number, of these checkpoints and roadblocks. But, I think that it is a small number and not the appropriate time. It should have happened before and in greater numbers.

Now I can explain the exact security needs associated with almost each road block and checkpoint. There is a need, and we have proved it in the past several years, we have made progress on security. But we are now living in another, much better, security situation, and we have to balance our efforts against terror. I believe that military-security activities aren’t enough to reduce the level of violence. We have to do much more. Some of these activities might be reducing the number of roadblocks and checkpoints. Changing the existing situation of access and movement in the West Bank is very, very important for Palestinians. Every Israeli commander has to re-examine each military and security activity and balance between all his different responsibilities. Therefore, I believe that we have to continue reducing the number of these obstacles.

What do you expect to see with a new government in Israel and the new administration in Washington?

I can say that I expect the peace process will continue. I expect that Israel will cooperate with the Palestinian side in order to improve the economy. I expect that the Israeli side will make several efforts in order to change the daily life of the Palestinians. And I expect from the Palestinian side to create a government which will control all the area, the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and renew the activities of the government and the activities against terror.

What kind of balance do you think might there be over the next year or so between on-the-ground progress on things like checkpoints or settlements versus negotiation?

It goes together. You know we can increase this economy. We can change the daily life of the Palestinians. We can let them govern themselves. But without the peace process, I’m afraid that we won’t see a big change on the ground. The Palestinians have to see a light at the end of the tunnel parallel to all of these activities on the ground. Without it, this won’t work. I, personally, don’t know what this economic peace Benjamin Netanyahu speaks of is. I don’t believe it can exist.

What do you think the challenges will be in the coming year? The main challenges?

The main challenge is to achieve a real process, which will lead us in the future, I’m not talking about the next year, to a peace agreement. I hope we will reach a ceasefire in Gaza, and that we will release our kidnapped soldier, Gilad Shalit. I hope that the daily life of the Palestinians will improve and that the economy will improve. And that’s it.

What do you think should be done to build on the success of General Dayton’s work with the Palestinian security forces?

The three sides – the Palestinians, Israelis and the Americans – should build a continued process in order to enlarge this mission to other areas, other responsibilities, to continue the success of this mission thus far.

What kind of responsibilities?

Security responsibilities and civilian responsibilities.

How would you resolve the problem of getting aid into Gaza and beginning its reconstruction without strengthening Hamas? And do you think there is going to be a ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas?

Well, you know it is a question of alternatives, and I prefer that the United States give money to the reconstruction of Gaza because the alternative is that Hamas will bring the money from Iran or from Qatar. And I prefer that it will be American money with as much control as is possible. And I hope that in the future we will reach ceasefire agreement with Hamas. I think it was a mistake that Israel didn’t agree to talk with Hamas, even through the Egyptians, over the ceasefire. I hope this will change in the future. I hope that Abu Mazen will find a way to achieve an agreement with Hamas concerning participation in a united government. I think that the three conditions, today are no longer viable.

Prisoners have become a major issue in negotiations over the ceasefire. What do you think might be the result of releasing prisoners to Hamas in return for Gilad Shalit as part of the ceasefire deal?

First of all, I hope that an agreement over the return of Gilad Shalit will be achieved. Secondly, we will have to balance this agreement with Hamas with another agreement with Abu Mazen concerning the release of prisoners from Israeli prisons, with conditions of course. It can’t be release with no conditions. I think that we can achieve security quiet in the West Bank during a period of negotiation, with a periodic release of prisoners. I think it will be necessary to do it in order to balance the release of over a thousand prisoners in order to release Gilad Shalit. It can’t only be a release to Hamas.



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Setting the Record Straight

Economic Development No Substitute for Negotiations

“The focus in the latter years of the Bush administration and the first year of the Obama administration on negotiation seems to me to marginalize what should be central and instead [makes] central what is not essential to the building of a Palestinian state. Israeli-Palestinian negotiations can come later.”
—Elliott Abrams, former deputy national security adviser to President George W. Bush; senior fellow, Council on Foreign Relations, interview, “Focus on West Bank, Not Negotiating,” January 13, 2010
 
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    —Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, interview with Tablet Magazine, December 8, 2009
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