The Arab Peace Initiative

December 11, 2008

The initiative is a framework for a comprehensive peace between Israel and all Arab countries. It is based on the principles of land for peace, as outlined in UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, the two-state solution and the belief that use of armed force to resolve the conflict will provide neither peace nor security.

The proposal calls for Israel to affirm:
• Commitment to a full withdrawal from all occupied territories to the June 4, 1967 lines, including the Golan Heights and territories in southern Lebanon
• Achievement of an agreed upon solution to the Palestinian refugee problem in line with UN General Assembly Resolution 194
• Acceptance of the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip based on the June 4, 1967 lines, with East Jerusalem as its capital

The Arab states would affirm:
• The end of the Arab-Israeli conflict, entrance into a peace agreement with Israel and the provision of security for the whole Middle East
• Establishment of normal relations with Israel as part of this peace

The proposal includes a rejection of “all forms of Palestinian patriation which conflict with the special circumstances of the Arab host countries.” It closes by asking the Israeli government and all Israelis to accept the plan and inviting the international community to support the plan. It also provides for the formation of a committee to build support for the initiative.

Introduction
Formulated by Saudi Arabia’s then-Crown Prince, now King, Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud, the basic outline of the plan was initially introduced in an off-the- record conversation between him and New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman in February 2002. With Abdullah’s authorization, Friedman published the contours of the proposal on February 17, 2002.

2002 Arab League Summit in Beirut
The Arab League endorsed the plan at a summit held in Beirut on March 28, 2002 despite initial Syrian objections and the absence of ten Arab leaders, including Palestinian Authority (PA) President Yasir Arafat, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Jordan’s King Abdullah II bin al-Hussein. At the same time that all the delegations to the League unanimously adopted the plan, they also issued a harsh statement against Israel, which supported both the Palestinian Intifadah and the right of return for refugees. The plan was adopted a day after a major bombing in the Israeli city of Netanya, which led to an Israeli military incursion into the West Bank. Israeli reaction to the peace plan was tepid; it questioned what the proposal meant by normal relations with Israel and rejected a right of return for refugees. Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon also refused a full Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

2007 Arab League Summit in Riyadh
In March 2007, members of the Arab League reaffirmed their support for the peace plan at a summit in Riyadh. PA President Mahmoud Abbas vocally supported the agreement, while Hamas, and then-PA Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh, refrained from taking a stance. In response, Israel said that it was interested in pursuing a dialogue with Arab states that desire to work towards peace, though it did not go so far as to support the plan.



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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010

    • Middle East Analysis

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