November 4, 2008

On October 30, Dalia Itzik, speaker of the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, set February 10 as the date for national elections, a year and a half ahead of schedule. Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni had been tasked with forming a new coalition after winning the Kadima primaries but announced on October 26 that she had failed. Ehud Olmert will remain as prime minister until the new government is formed.

Electoral system
The Knesset is a unicameral body composed of 120 members. Israelis vote in a nation-wide single district for political party lists, rather than individuals. The number of seats that a party receives is proportional to the amount of votes that it obtains in the election. A party must receive two percent of the total vote in order be represented in the Knesset. Prior to the election, each party selects its list either by direct vote, through primaries, or through the party’s institutions. In the case of the ultra-religious parties, the candidates are appointed by the spiritual leader.

Forming a coalition
Since no single party wins a majority of Knesset seats, the Israeli government is formed through a process of coalition building, in which parties with different demands negotiate the composition of the government. After an election, and following consultations with parties elected to the Knesset, the president tasks a member of the Knesset with forming a coalition. This individual is usually the leader of the largest party or leader of a party that could potentially head a coalition that includes more than 60 members. The designated member then has 28 days, with a potential 14-day extension, to present an outline of government guidelines and a list of ministers for approval by the Knesset.

Key players in the coming election

Major parties
Kadima, Labor and Likud are the major parties in Israel’s political system. Left-of-center Labor and right-of-center Likud have deep roots in Israeli society, dating back to the pre-statehood era. Kadima emerged as a centrist force in 2005 after Ariel Sharon broke from Likud ranks to form the new party. In the process, he brought together influential voices from both left and right.

Other parties
Since no major party has ever won an outright majority, smaller parties often become crucial in forming coalitions. On the right side of the spectrum, there are Yisrael Beiteinu, Shas, United Torah Judaism and a newly formed party consisting of the four major factions that formerly made up the National Union-National Religious Party. Yisrael Beiteinu favors transferring Israeli Arab citizens to Palestinian Authority control and rejects discussion on the core issues. Shas, an ultra-orthodox party, seeks to increase child allowances for religious families and also objects to any negotiations on the status of Jerusalem. It was the failure to bring Shas into a coalition that led to Livni’s inability to form a government.

To the left of the spectrum lie Meretz-Yahad, a social welfare party that supports withdrawal from the West Bank, Hadash, the Israeli Communist party, the United Arab List- Ta’al, and the National Democratic Assembly. The recently reunited Pensioners Party focuses solely on financial support for the elderly.

For more information on the different parties see our previous Background Basics.



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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010
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