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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

07/08/08
Planning the Transition  —Ghaith al-Omari, director of advocacy, American Task Force on Palestine; former foreign policy adviser to Palestinian President Abbas. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.
07/07/08
Moving Forward in Lebanon After Doha: Bridging Deep Divides  —Mona Yacoubian, director of the Lebanon Working Group, U.S. Institute of Peace. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.
06/27/08
Dealing with the Challenge of Prisoners  —Brigadier General (Ret.) Ilan Paz, former head of the Israeli Civil Administration in the West Bank (2002-2005). Interview with Middle East Bulletin.

Setting the Record Straight

Israeli-Syrian Peace Could Alter Regional Dynamic

“I think [the Israelis] are making a mistake trying to negotiate with Syria now, because I don’t think Syria has any independent ability to make decisions. Over the past several years, Syria has become functionally a satellite of Iran, so that if the Israelis really wanted to negotiate with somebody, they ought to be in Tehran, not in Damascus. … I think it will be seen as a mistake in their domestic politics, and it certainly wouldn’t fit my cost-benefit analysis of a fruitful place to have discussions.”
—John Bolton, senior fellow, American Enterprise Institute & former U.S. ambassador to the UN, interview with NationalJournal.com, May 23, 2008 versus
  • "An Israeli-Syrian peace would be based on interests … The first thing the Syrians want is the Golan [Heights], but they want other things too. … Syria wants to be defined differently than Iran and come back to the center of the international system. In terms of Israeli interests, I think the first thing would be no all-out warfare. … In addition, an agreement with Syria would include the larger Arab world and not the Assad government alone. Such an agreement would also undermine Hezbollah, Hamas and extreme Islamist movements. … The United States is needed for addressing the Syrian interests, beyond the Golan, including removal of Syria from the ‘axis of evil’ and economic incentives.”
    —Major General (Ret.) Danny Rothschild, former IDF coordinator of activities in the Palestinian territories (1991-95) & president, Israeli Council for Peace and Security, event ,"Peace with Syria," July 14, 2008 (translated by Middle East Bulletin)
  • Middle East Analysis

    May 2, 2008

    "Israel will not extract a tahadiyeh [cease-fire] from Hamas from a position of victory," Mushir al-Masri, the secretary general of the Palestinian parliament’s Hamas faction, asserted on Monday. His statement, issued following the report of the killing of an entire Palestinian family this week, apparently by Israel Defense Forces missiles, was intended to make it clear that the situation was a matter of a duel between equals in status, if not equals in capability. The rockets that were fired into Israel afterward were intended to prove that point. They were also intended to set the tone for the talks held in Egypt the following day, between Egyptian intelligence chief Omar Suleiman and the different Palestinian factions. …

    Masri belongs to the young generation of Hamas’ leadership. … During the talks about the cease-fire it emerged that Hamas’ "young guard" speaks in one voice, but with different tones. The differences in tone were discernible last September, when Razi Hamad, then the Hamas spokesman, published an article in which he called for conciliation between all the Palestinian factions and offered some barbed criticism of Hamas policy. …

    This outcry, which was published in all the Palestinian and Arab media, is considered an important turning point in Hamas’ relations with Fatah. True, Hamad, an educated man who is fluent in both Hebrew and English, and was a journalist for many years, was removed from his post, but he continues to promote national reconciliation and has been involved in the decision-making process concerning the cease-fire.

    According to Hamas sources, the differences between Masri, Abu Zohari and Hamad in Gaza, or between Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh and Hamas leader Mahmoud al-Zahar, are not ideological but practical. When Hamas tries to present itself as an alternative to Fatah, and when it seeks to settle military accounts with Israel, Hamad’s soft approach is not useful. On the other hand, it turns out that Zahar’s tough stance also failed: When he left Cairo last week on his way to Damascus, to report on his talks with Suleiman to his boss, political chief Khaled Meshal, he no longer insisted on a cease-fire that would include the West Bank, but made do with "Gaza first." Access the full article>>