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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —Lt. Col. (Res.) Ron Shatzberg, Project Director, Economic Cooperation Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —
08/05/08
Why Did Maliki Call for a Timeline?  —by Christopher Kojm who teaches at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University and is a former senior advisor to the Iraq Study Group. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.

Setting the Record Straight

Already Divided

“Even the Arab minority in the city has shown its preference for living under Israeli rule, as many have moved to the Israeli side of the security barrier being built around Jerusalem. Their choice is reasonable, as Jerusalem offers the quality of life of a modern western city while only a few kilometers away the norm is a third world standard of living, chaos and religious intolerance. An undivided Jerusalem is the best guarantee of a better life for all Jerusalemites.”
—Nathan Diament, Director of Public Policy, Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America, July 23, 2008 versus
  • “Those who believe that Jerusalem should not be divided, and mean by that that the Arab neighborhoods should not be separated from the city, should be the first to insist that an active policy be adopted by the government and the municipality to improve the lot of local Arab residents. Barring that, Jerusalem will continue to remain a divided city.”
    —Moshe Arens, former Israeli defense and foreign minister (Likud), “A Story of Neglect,” Haaretz, July 28, 2008
  • Middle East Analysis

    March 3, 2008

    "We are in a complex situation,” says [Minister without portfolio Ami] Ayalon. “In order to adapt to it we have to adopt for ourselves a decision-making process. And such a process does not exist. The bottom line from all the Winograd reports is that the State of Israel does not have a policy, nor does it have an orderly process for molding a policy. Nobody knows what we want, what we aspire to, and nobody is conducting an orderly process in order to find out. For victory is not measured in comparative casualty levels, or in occupation of territory. Victory is measured by the capability to create a better political reality out of it. And I ask: will what we are doing today in Gaza create such a reality?” Ayalon answers his own question: “I’m not sure.” …

    What Ayalon thinks is missing is a serious, in depth, and penetrating discussion on what we hope to achieve through what we’re doing and our goals. "So we’ve killed 100 Palestinians, and suppose we have weakened the military arm of Hamas. So what? For at the same time we have also strengthened dramatically the standing of Hamas in the territories, and we have weakened Abu Mazen and weakened the political axis of the moderate Arabs. In order to win, we need a political process. We have to achieve a cease-fire from a position of strength, which will be binding on all the organizations. We have to reach an agreement on the crossings with the cooperation of the international community, and we need a courageous and genuine political process in Judea and Samaria. There are 600 roadblocks there and not one of them is being removed, and in such a way there will never be a better economic situation there. We must think, talk and hold a discussion about all these things.” …

    "The main thing,” says Ayalon “is that we say that Abu Mazen is weak. In my opinion, Olmert is no less weak if we cannot remove an outpost or move a roadblock. I am telling you that in the past week, the Palestinian Authority arrested 20 Hamas operatives in Judea and Samaria, one of whom died in Palestinian prison. So perhaps it is not perfect, but it is more than we are doing. And we are wasting energy on operations that do not have any real thinking behind them. A military operation that is not accompanied by a diplomatic initiative will strengthen Hamas, as the only element that is capable of fighting Israel, and will weaken Abu Mazen, to the point of putting him at risk of being toppled, as well as weakening the axis of moderate Arab states." Access the full article>>