February 15, 2008

Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Syrian President Bashar Assad (AP)

The Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP) was presented by Prime Minister Salaam Fayyad at the Paris Donors Conference on December 17, 2007. The three-year plan aims to lay the foundations for a future Palestinian state and build its infrastructure and economy. It has been widely endorsed by donor governments, including the EU and the United States, along with the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.

Governance:
The PRDP proposes the improvement of the institutional capabilities of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) through a number of reforms and new initiatives, including:
• the trimming of the size of the PNA to an effective, affordable organization;
• the creation of a new security service that is loyal to the PNA along with improvements in the justice system and increased accountability and transparency; and,
• defining the relationship between local government and the PNA and making government more accessible.

Social Development:
The plan also calls for the development of the capacities of the Palestinian people by:
• focusing on efficiently coordinating social protection programs to maximize their benefit;
• expanding the Palestinian education system as population expands as well as supporting higher and vocational education;
• rebuilding the Palestinian territories’ health system and making it affordable for its citizens; and,
• empowering traditionally-neglected groups through women and youth empowerment programs.

Economic and Private Sector Development:
The PRDP envisions an open, free market economy based on the private sector, which it seeks to develop through:
• economic programs targeted at agriculture, industry and services, tourism, and the construction of new, affordable housing;
• the building of economic capabilities, such as the industrial and tourism sectors;
• targeted support for small- and medium-sized enterprises; and,
• seeking further markets for the Palestinian economy.

Public Infrastructure Development:
The plan notes a deficiency in public infrastructure due to conflict and under-development, which it aims to repair through:
• focusing on the building of new roads as well as improving the electric grid;
• outlining a need for greater water supply as well as a plan for wastewater treatment and solid waste facilities; and,
• proposing public recreation and cultural facilities.

Possible Macroeconomic/Fiscal Framework
To create a fiscal system that is less erratic and more independent the plan proposes a fiscal outline through 2010 that aims to bring recurrent expenditures down from 54% of GDP to 44% and better target these expenditures toward those in need. It also seeks to reduce the PNA’s budget deficit. This outline, however, is premised on gradual improvements in movement and access as well as PNA control of Gaza. Continued economic problems are forecasted if those impediments remain.

Implementation
The PRDP calls for tri-partite action to be successful.
• The PNA must impose law and order, implement key economic reforms and build effective governing institutions.
• Israel needs to remove the obstacles that hinder the proper functioning of government and the economy and hence the creation of a truly viable Palestinian state.
• The international community needs to provide aid to the PNA and support the peace process.

Additionally, the plan calls for better coordination and integration within the PNA and better coordination with NGOs and other parties working in the Palestinian territories as well as ‘untied’ donor commitments that allow the PNA to use funds as needed to meet objectives in a timely manner.



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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010
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