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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

11/20/08
Pakistan: Learning the Right Lessons from Iraq  —Senator Robert P. Casey, Jr. (D-PA), Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.
11/13/08
The View from Gaza  —Taghreed El-Khodary, New York Times journalist in Gaza and Harvard University Nieman Fellow (2005-2006). Interviewed by Middle East Bulletin.
11/04/08
Getting on the Right Track  —Dalia Rabin, chairperson, Rabin Center, and daughter of the late Yitzhak Rabin. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.

Setting the Record Straight

Keeping Focus on Long-Term Objectives

“[W]hile we do need to have a cooperative approach that involves many of our friends and allies in meeting with the Pakistanis, … as we work out with them a rough division of labor, the U.S., I believe, ought to be taking the lead in addressing the issues in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas. And given the difficulty of doing so, I suspect that we will not have a great deal of difficulty in convincing them to allow us to take the lead there. But as we all know, there is a real tension between our short-term tactical aims in trying to capture or kill terrorists across the border and militants in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and our longer- term counterinsurgency pacification goals. We very much need to be focusing on the end state. What is it that we want this area to look like? ... In that context we need to have a common agenda with the Pakistani government and very much to include the military on counterinsurgency in that area. There needs to be, therefore, a focus on combining military efforts with economic, development and political development in those areas.”
—Robert L. Grenier, managing director and chairman for Global Security Consulting, Kroll, event, “Partnership for Progress: Advancing a New Strategy for Prosperity and Stability in Pakistan and the Region,” Center for American Progress, November 17, 2008

Middle East Analysis

A Sanctions Primer

October 1, 2007

UN Sanctions
Existing Sanctions:
Resolution 1696 - Adopted on July 31, 2006; demanded the cessation of Iranian “research and development” nuclear activities within one month.
Resolution 1737 - Adopted on December 23, 2006; banned the supply of nuclear-related technology by UN member states to Iran and required member states to freeze the assets of individuals and companies with ties to Iran’s nuclear program.
Resolution 1747 - Adopted on March 24, 2007; imposed a ban on Iranian arms sales and stated need for international financial institutions to end provision of funds to Iran.

Future Sanctions: The UN decided on September 28 to delay a third round of sanctions on Iran until after an IAEA report on the status of the Iranian nuclear program expected November 30. The U.S. seeks new sanctions to include punitive measures on the Iranian Revolutionary Guard’s al-Quds Force, prevent Iran from importing military equipment, strengthen penalties on banks and companies connected to Iran’s acquisition of military material, and tighten travel restrictions on Iranian officials.

U.S. Sanctions
Existing Sanctions:
U.S. economic sanctions against Iran have existed for nearly three decades. The sanctions were imposed initially by Executive Order during the takeover of the U.S. embassy in Tehran in 1979 and were strengthened by the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA), signed into law by President Clinton in 1995. This act banned trade and investment by U.S. companies with Iran. This legislation was renewed in 2001 and modified in 2006 to the Iran Sanctions Act (ISA) omitting Libya. More recently, the U.S. stepped up pressure on foreign banks and companies conducting business with Iran.

Future Sanctions: The House passed the Iran Counterproliferation Act on September 25, which sanctions foreign companies with U.S. subsidiaries that invest in Iranian oil and gas sectors. In addition, the bill prohibits civilian nuclear cooperation with countries that support Iran’s nuclear program, calls for the State Department to designate the Iranian Revolutionary Guard (IRG) a “foreign terrorist organization,” and takes away executive branch power to waive sanctions against firms that invest in the Iranian energy sector. The Senate approved the Kyl-Lieberman measure on September 26 which labeled the IRG as “a foreign terrorist organization,” which would allow for more severe sanctions. The administration is debating whether to label the entire Iranian Revolutionary Guard or more narrowly IRG’s al-Quds Force as a terrorist organization. This decision affects the depth and scope of possible future sanctions on the organization.

EU Sanctions
Existing Sanctions:
Iran’s economy is largely dependant on the European market; the EU accounts for some 40 percent of Iran’s imports. The EU approved a resolution on February 12, 2007 that imposed sanctions on individuals and companies linked to Iran’s nuclear program. A second round of sanctions was implemented on April 23, 2007, banning Iranian arms exports and freezing the assets of 28 additional individuals and organizations. The EU continues to follow a twin-track approach of diplomacy and sanctions.

Future Sanctions:
Given the delay on additional UN sanctions, France has proposed new sanctions to be introduced at the October 15 EU conference. This proposal would increase EU sanctions on companies and banks that invest in Iran.

Russia
As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, Russia played a key role in delaying the implementation of a third round of Iranian sanctions until after the release of the IAEA report. Russian hesitation to implement powerful sanctions on Iran arises from the countries’ military, economic, and political ties. Russia is Iran’s chief arms supplier with sales reaching $1.7 billion between 2002 and 2005. In addition, Russia is currently building a nuclear power plant in Iran, and President Putin is scheduled to visit Tehran on October 15.

China
China, also a member of the UN Security Council, played a supporting role to Russia in delaying a new round of UN sanctions on Iran. China has strong economic ties to Iran as the country serves as the third largest source of China’s oil imports, providing 12 percent of Chinese oil imports in the first ten months of 2006.