September 7, 2007

Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and Syrian President Bashar Assad (AP)

Construction began: 2002

Total length: 712 kilometers

Length completed: 413 km (as of April 2007); 62 km are under construction; 237 km are planned, but not yet constructed.

Estimated Cost: 13-15 billion NIS (3.1-3.6 billion USD)

Key legal rulings regarding the barrier: In the 2004 case of Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that the route of the barrier created by the Israeli military did harm to the Palestinian population disproportionate to the security needs of the state and ordered it altered. This doctrine of proportionality also guided the 2005 case Ma’arabe v. Prime Minister of Israel, which declared that the security barrier was legal (countering a 2004 ICJ ruling), but that its route could not unreasonably impinge on the rights of Palestinians. Most recently, the doctrine was applied to the case of the Palestinian village of Bil’in, leading to a court order to re-route the barrier.

Materials used: Barbed wire, electronic detection systems, anti-vehicle trenches, dirt and sand strips for tracking footprints and vehicles. 20 miles of the barrier are made up of concrete walls, mostly in urban areas where they take up less space and protect against snipers.

20% = Portion of barrier that follows the Green Line (as of April 2007)

16% = Percentage of West Bank contained on Israeli side of barrier in 2003 trajectory

8.5% = Percentage of West Bank contained on Israeli side of barrier in current trajectory

110,000 = Number of Palestinians living between Green Line and barrier (out of 2.4 million total in West Bank)

171, 000 = Number of Israelis living between Green Line and barrier (out of 407,000 total in West Bank)



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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/20/10
Center for American Progress Welcomes Resumption of Direct Talks  —
08/10/10
A View from the Ground  —Darbaz Kosrat Rasul, chair, Rebaz Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/03/10
U.S.-Turkish Relations  —Ambassador Francis J. Ricciardone, Jr., recently returned deputy ambassador in Afghanistan; former ambassador to Egypt (2005-2008); and deputy chief of mission and charge d'affaires in U.S. embassy in Turkey (1995-1999). Congressional Testimony.

Setting the Record Straight

Eye Still on the Ball

“Adverse developments in Iraq will be (and will look to be) increasingly a function of the Obama Team taking their eye off of the ball and rushing to declare mission accomplished. Yes, in such a scenario the Iraqis should bear most of the blame, but the part that is due to U.S. action or inaction will be Obama's responsibility. And it will matter. Iraq is at the center of a region that every president since Jimmy Carter has identified as vital to our national security. Iraq is next door to, and the playground for mischief from, the most thorny national security challenge the United States faces: a nuclear-weapons-seeking Iranian regime. These inconvenient facts mean that if the Iraqi situation demands more focused and costly U.S. attention, it will likely get it. At that point, what sort of domestic coalition will be available for President Obama's Iraq policy?”
—Peter Feaver, director, Triangle Institute for Security Studies; former director for defense policy and arms control, National Security Council, “Obama’s Iraq Speech: Another Missed Opportunity,” Foreign Policy, August 3, 2010versus
  • “Iraq is a strategically important place in the Middle East, just by its geographic location, by its population, by the influence it's had in the Middle East for a long time. So neighboring countries from around the Middle East have an interest inside of Iraq.

    “But I will tell you that I think Iraqis themselves are nationalistic in nature, and that's why it's important. A strong Iraq will defend itself against interference from outside countries, and I think as we build a strong Iraq and as we continue to build a strong security mechanism and as we continue to help them economically and diplomatically, that will make it less likely of others from the outside being able to interfere.

    “Now, for the vacuum as we see today, again, I remind everyone is that we still have a significant presence here, and we are not going to—we will not allow undue maligned influence on the Iraqi government as they attempt to form their government. What we're trying to do is provide them the space and time for them to do that, and we will continue to do that post 1 September. We'll still have a significant civilian presence, and again, we'll still have 50,000 troops on the ground here to ensure that this government can be formed by the Iraqis. And that all the other nations respect their sovereignty as they go about forming their government.”
    —General Ray Odierno, commander of U.S. forces in Iraq, interview, “This Week” with Christiane Amanpour, August 8, 2010
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