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In-Depth Coverage

Original Commentaries

08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —Lt. Col. (Res.) Ron Shatzberg, Project Director, Economic Cooperation Foundation. Interview with Middle East Bulletin.
08/07/08
How to Deal with Jerusalem  —
08/05/08
Why Did Maliki Call for a Timeline?  —by Christopher Kojm who teaches at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University and is a former senior advisor to the Iraq Study Group. Original Commentary for Middle East Bulletin.

Setting the Record Straight

Already Divided

“Even the Arab minority in the city has shown its preference for living under Israeli rule, as many have moved to the Israeli side of the security barrier being built around Jerusalem. Their choice is reasonable, as Jerusalem offers the quality of life of a modern western city while only a few kilometers away the norm is a third world standard of living, chaos and religious intolerance. An undivided Jerusalem is the best guarantee of a better life for all Jerusalemites.”
—Nathan Diament, Director of Public Policy, Union of Orthodox Jewish Congregations of America, July 23, 2008 versus
  • “Those who believe that Jerusalem should not be divided, and mean by that that the Arab neighborhoods should not be separated from the city, should be the first to insist that an active policy be adopted by the government and the municipality to improve the lot of local Arab residents. Barring that, Jerusalem will continue to remain a divided city.”
    —Moshe Arens, former Israeli defense and foreign minister (Likud), “A Story of Neglect,” Haaretz, July 28, 2008
  • Middle East Analysis

    February 22, 2007

    Ever since the shuttle diplomacy in 1991 of former Secretary of State James A. Baker III that resulted in the Madrid Peace Conference, U.S. leaders and officials have been reluctant, though periodically active, peacemakers. Americans have become prone to resort to lofty rhetoric and armchair diplomacy. While sometimes demonstrating strong emotional commitment and sometimes engaging quite earnestly with the parties, we have not shown toughness on the toughest issues. The results have been minimal and often counterproductive.
    Quite unexpectedly, the conditions for peace process activity are present. Now it is up to the U.S. to decide whether to test those conditions in an active, U.S.-sponsored process.

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